5-6 Jul 1215
RC, 211b-12b; RLP, 147-8b; RLC, i, 219; Rot.Ob., 555-6
6-7 Jul 1215
RC, 220; RLP, 148-8b; RLC, i, 219b
7-8 Jul 1215
RLP, 148b; RLC, i, 219b
8-9 Jul 1215
RC, 212b; RLP, 148b-9; RLC, i, 219b-20; Rot.Ob., 557-8
Letters misdated at Marlborough on 7 July, covering a payment made on 8 July, should clearly be dated 8 July: RLP, 148b.
9-10 Jul 1215
RLP, 149; RLC, i, 220
10-11 Jul 1215
RC, 213; RLC, i, 220-20b; Rot.Ob., 558
The King spent the present week on a well-worn trail between royal palaces in Wiltshire, with brief stays at the monasteries of Bradenstoke and Cirencester (in Gloucestershire). To both of the monasteries in which he stayed he granted privileges. In the case of Cirencester, this involved the restoration of jurisdiction over seven local hundreds of which the canons had been deprived by Gerard d'Athée, the bogeyman of Magna Carta clause 50.1 Both Alexander of Neckham, abbot of Cirencester (whose mother had served as wet nurse to John's elder brother, Richard the Lionheart), and Simon prior of Bradenstoke travelled with the court for part of this week.2 Irish affairs continued to enjoy a disproportionate prominence in chancery business, with the issue of charters to at least five Irish beneficiaries, in each instance witnessed by Irish barons.3 One of these men, Philip of Worcester, secured restoration of his rights in five cantreds of Munster in return for a fine of £100.4 Various of the transactions with Ireland this week reflect negotiations ongoing for at least the past six months: fines from Hamo de Valognes, with the men of Dublin, and settlement of the inheritances of Adam Rudipat and Thomas fitz Maurice, all of which had been discussed in royal letters as early as February 1215.5 Overshadowing this was the ongoing matter of the Lacy family and the restoration of Hugh and Walter de Lacy to royal favour.6
Walter de Lacy's reconciliation coincided with, indeed perhaps precipitated the retirement of Henry archbishop of Dublin as the King's viceregent in Ireland. On 6 July, the same day that Geoffrey de Marisco's succession as Irish justiciar was publicly proclaimed, the King announced that Walter had fined 4000 marks for his lands in Ireland, with general instructions for the restoration of his castles and estates in Meath as soon as letters had been prepared to this effect by Geoffrey as justiciar.7 Walter's son and hostage, Gilbert de Lacy, was transferred to the King's keeping.8 Two of Geoffrey de Marisco's own sons, previously held hostage at Glastonbury, were restored to their father who, before his sailing from Ireland (apparently from Bristol, where he was granted license to hunt), took custody of a large number of other Irish hostages, clearly as part of a wider attempt to pacify the Anglo-Irish community.9 Several other letters this week turn upon the custody of Irish castles or the distribution of royal patronage in Ireland.10 Much less attention was paid to Gascony and Poitou. Arnaud de Binouel and his men received protection going to Gascony, provided that 'they do not err in matters of faith' (perhaps suggesting an ongoing concern to protect the south against heresy, and all the more interesting given that, in due course, the King is said to have obtained a hearing in Rome for Raymond, heir to the county of Toulouse, smuggled from England into France posing as the servant of a merchant from Agen).11 A pension was granted payable from the rents of Saint-Florent-le-Vieil, small in terms of patronage but highly significant as an indication that the King still believed himself capable of disposing of rights on the south bank of the Loire, in a region only reconquered for him in the summer of 1214.12 Equally significant, on 11 July the bailiffs of Portsmouth were instructed to find a ship for Geoffrey de Rançon and his household, crossing apparently from England into France.13 Geoffrey was one of the greater lords of the Saintonge so that his presence in England suggests diplomatic negotiations at a high level.
As with the more general trend of royal policy, it is worth our asking whether, taken in isolation and without knowledge of the events of May and June, we would have any idea from the chancery enrolments for July 1215 that the King had just experienced a major political crisis provoked by civil war. A recent financial crisis might be guessed on the basis of continued receipts of treasure: jewels and goldsmiths' work previously deposited at Forde Abbey, sceptres with sapphires delivered by the prior of Newstead in Nottinghamshire, and a large collection of jewelled or decorated belts from the abbey of Welbeck.14 Commands for payment from the cash receipts of the bishopric of Durham of the wages of serjeants and crossbowmen serving under Brian de Lisle or with Geoffrey de Neville at Scarborough might suggest a temporary shortage of coin at court.15 They undoubtedly point to the fact that the north continued to pose problems for the King. Elsewhere, however, there are indications of a return to normality. At Devizes, on 6 July, the King took receipt of 66 sacks of coin, estimated to contain £6600 in silver pennies, delivered from the treasury at Corfe by Thomas of Sandford.16 Had Sandford's mission failed or been ambushed, one might speculate upon the wider effects. From such forgotten turning points is the web of political history woven. Instead, now flush with cash, by the end of the week the King was not only in command of a reconstituted Exchequer but beginning to command its audit of long-term debt, reaching back at least as far as the expenses at Christmas 1214.17 For the first time since Runnymede, we this week find the resumption of routine instructions concerning the King's hunt.18
Only incidentally, and with the advantage of hindsight, can we tease out of the records evidence that the crisis enacted at Runnymede continued to ripple on. Magna Carta clauses 10 and 11 had attempted to regulate usury owed by wards and widows, especially to Jews. They can perhaps be linked to the King's concern, in late June and early July 1215, to pardon interest or the principal owed to Jews: on 8 July, for example, 7 marks in interest and a principal debt of 10 marks owed to the Jews of Bristol.19 Magna Carta clause 54, perhaps in an attempt to prevent malicious or manipulated appeals, had forbidden women from raising accusations of homicide, save in the case of the death of their husbands. On 5 July 1215, we find the King instructing the sheriff of Wiltshire to release Everard de Mildeston, an alleged murderer, into the bail of his wife. Everard had been appealed for homicide by a woman named Seina Chevel, but for the murder of Seina's son, Richard, and therefore in an instance theoretically forbidden under the terms of Magna Carta.20 Here, it is only obliquely that we can detect the effects of the Runnymede settlement.
A similar leap of imagination is required to appreciate the significance of orders, issued on 8 July, for Ralph Musard to be recognized as sheriff of Gloucestershire.21 What goes unremarked here is the fact that Ralph was thus intruded into an office until then occupied by Engelard de Cigogné, himself serving as sheriff in succession to his kinsman, Girard d'Athée.22 The appointment of Ralph Musard was thereby made in fulfilment of the terms of Magna Carta clause 50, and came only a day or so after the decision to reverse the confiscation of the hundredal jurisdiction of Cirencester Abbey, judged to have been unlawfully seized by Girard.23 In the same vein, the grant of a charter, on 10 July, acknowledging the privileges of the men of Hereford and their annual fee farm of £40, perhaps represented a challenge to the authority of Andrew de Chanceaux, sheriff of Hereford and another member of that alien clan proscribed in Magna Carta.24 If so, it is ironic that the Hereford charter was witnessed, like other royal charters this week, by the alien mercenary captains Fawkes de Breauté and Hugh de Boves.
Another royal charter, issued on 6 July for the men of Dunwich in Suffolk, might in theory appear a routine affair.25 We nonetheless need to remember here that the men of Dunwich had been plagued, since 1214, by the seizure of hostages, many of them held in Poitou and still in captivity as late as March 1215.26 In these circumstances, it is surely significant that the King's charter to Dunwich specifically guarantees the men of the borough against anyone being granted custody of their sons or daughters save with the permission of their own kinsmen and friends. None of their daughters or heirs was to be married without consent, and their widows were to have free disposal of their property. These provisions not only reflect the political realities of 1214-15 but directly mirror the terms of Magna Carta with respect to wards and widows.
Other acts of injustice had theoretically been redressed at Runnymede. In theory, for example, Roald fitz Alan had been restored to custody of Richmond Castle.27 On 8 July, supplementary commands had to be sent to Robert de Vieuxpont and Brian de Lisle, forbidding them from destroying Roald's castle and demanding compliance with the commands of June.28 Since May 1215, the Fitz Alan castle at Bridgnorth in Shropshire had been committed to the keeping of Robert de Courtenay and Walter de Verdun. On 5 July, orders were issued for it to be restored to Thomas of Erdington.29 This, however, was not to redress injustice but to reward a faithful servant. Since the Spring of 1215, Thomas of Erdington had been absent, serving as the King's ambassador to the papal court.30 Here we come to the broader context of John's manoeuvres after Runnymede and the extent to which any of the King's actions can be read as a sincere attempt to comply with the terms demanded by the barons.
Not only did the King keep open his channels of communication with Rome, but on 9 July augmented the annual pension enjoyed by Peter Saracen, resident proctor at the papal curia, from 20 marks to £20.31 Since at least 1212, Peter had been a crucial player in Anglo-papal diplomacy. In the Spring of 1215, he had served alongside Thomas of Erdington as English ambassador to Rome.32 There can be little doubt that the increase in his pension was intended as reward for whatever Peter had achieved, or was about to achieve, in efforts to persuade the Pope to support the King. Peter's pension was confirmed at Marlborough on 9 July. A few days earlier, but several hundred miles away, the Pope was at last made aware of the rebel seizure of London. His response, set out in papal letters of 7 July, in terms highly critical of Langton and the English bishops, was to demand the excommunication of all rebels and their supporters, threatening suspension against any bishop who failed to enforce this command.33 If the outbreak of rebellion was to provoke papal outrage, this was as nothing compared to the contempt with which the Pope would in due course come to treat Magna Carta. In the meantime, and for all his compliance with the letter of the Runnymede settlement, there seems little doubt that the King was merely biding his time, treating peaceably with the barons but behind the scenes plotting their confusion.
As for the barons themselves, we have only a few glimpses at this time. One comes in letters, preserved by Roger of Wendover. Here Robert fitz Walter, 'Marshal of the army of God and holy Church' and 'other magnates of the same army' address William d'Aubigny (of Belvoir). Warning him of the threat to London, the barons' chief 'stronghold' ('receptaculum'), they inform him that a tournament held at Stamford on the Monday after the feast of SS Peter and Paul (itself in 1215 falling on Monday 29 June, so perhaps referring here to Monday 6 July) had been extended to the Monday after the octave of that feast (13 July). Another tournament, they declare, will be held near London, between the heath of Staines and the vill of Hounslow, at which the prize will be a bear to be awarded by a unnamed 'lady', which William is invited to attend.34 Besides revealing the ongoing significance of tournaments to the baronial cause, as Hugh Doherty suggests, this letter may have been preserved by William de Aubigny, and thence by Roger of Wendover, precisely because its contents appear so trivial.35 What Wendover sought to communicate, Doherty suggests, is the futility of the baronial army engaged not in real war but in games and competition for female favours.
A second glimpse, previously overlooked, occurs in a charter of the King. Dated at Clarendon on 11 July, but not enrolled on the Charter Roll, this confers 103s. 4d. of land on the Isle of Sheppey previously held by 'Lambkin', the late tutor (quondam magister) of Geoffrey the King's (bastard) son, upon Richard de Landa and his heirs, together with a ploughland at Kingston outside Portsmouth previously held by Fabian of Titchfield.36 Besides its interesting reference to the King's bastard, this charter is chiefly of interest for its witness list, listing as witnesses Henry archbishop of Dublin, William de Harcourt, Henry son of the earl of Hereford, Geoffrey Lutterell, Terry the Teuton and William de Neville. All but one of these men were royalists, appearing in the witness lists to other charters this week. The exception is Henry, son of earl Henry de Bohun, whose father was undoubtedly amongst the baronial twenty-five and whose career and early death are otherwise almost entirely obscure.37 With the sole exception of a charter issued at Runnymede on 20 June, in the immediate aftermath of the peace,38 this represents the only occasion on which the King seems to have admitted a rebel leader, or adherer of such a leader, into the company who witnessed his charters. For the rest, what we find is very much the restoration of status quo, with the King surrounded by the same group of barons and constables who had dominated royal government for the past several years.39
Privileges for Bradenstoke: RC, 212b; RLC, i, 219b-20, also in The Cartulary of Bradenstoke Priory, ed. V.C.M. London, Wiltshire Record Society xxxv (1979), 162-3 no.553, and cf. a private grant to the priory dated 15 July, witnessed by the King, Richard Marshal the chancellor, and Ralph Neville: Cartulary of Bradenstoke, 117-18 no.372. For the seven hundreds of Cirencester, RLP, 149 (also in The Cartulary of Cirencester Abbey, ed. C.D. Ross and M. Devine, 3 vols (Oxford, 1964-77), i, 63 no.83); RLC, i, 220.
For Alexander, see R.W. Hunt, The Schools and the Cloister: The Life and Writings of Alexander Nequam, ed. M. Gibson (Oxford 1984), and J. Goering, ‘Neckam , Alexander(1157–1217)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography(Oxford, 2004) [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/19839, accessed 17 Aug 2015]. For his appearances alongside Simon prior of Bradenstoke at Marlborough on 9 July, see RC, 212b; Register of St Thomas, Dublin, ed. J.T. Gilbert, Rolls Series (London, 1889), 6-7 no.1.
RC, 211b-12b (for Edmund bishop of Limerick, Eustace de Roche, Osbert Gaillard and Geoffrey de Costentin). A fifth charter, issued at Marlborugh on 9 July to St Thomas' Priory Dublin, survives as a stray in Register of St Thomas, Dublin, ed. J.T. Gilbert, Rolls Series (London, 1889), 6-7 no.1. A further charter granting a market to the bishop of Emly is implied by RLP, 148b; RLC, i, 219b. Eustace de Roche himself appears as a witness at court on 7 July: RC, 220.
For Philip as witness on 5 July, RC, 211b-12b. For the five cantreds, RLP, 147b; Rot.Ob., 557.
Hamo de Valognes: RLP, 147b; see Feature of the Month for February 2015 on ‘Irish Fines and Obligations’, no.18; Adam Rudipat, RLP, 148; RLC, i, 219b; ‘Irish Fines and Obligations’, no.14; Thomas fitz Maurice, RLP, 148b; ‘Irish Fines and Obligations’, no.26; men of Dublin, RLC, i, 219; ‘Irish Fines and Obligations’, no.9.
RLP, 148b, including the castles of 'Laghelocan' (probably Castlekieran, co. Meath), Loughsendy ('Loxhuudy') (co. Westmeath), Inchleffer ('Hincheldr') (co. Meath), Clonard (co. Meath), Granard (co. Longford), Kilmore (now Cloughoughter Castle at Lough Oughter, co. Cavan), Fore ('Favorie') (co. Westmeath) and Trim (co. Meath). For the detailed terms of the fine, see also Rot.Ob., 562-4, 601-3.
Geoffrey's sons at Glastonbury, RLP, 147b-8, incidentally confirming Geoffrey's family connection to Somerset. Hostages of Adam le Bret (RLP, 147b), Walter de Liddiford (RLP, 148), Adam Rudipat (RLP, 148), Henry Pincerna (RLP, 148), and other hostages, Geoffrey de Sancmel and Thomas his brother, and William de Laz previously held at Sherborne (RLP, 147b). See also the King's approval of the knighting of Stephen son of Adam of Hereford, a hostage, dubbed by his father whilst being held hostage: RLP, 148b. For licence to Geoffrey de Marisco to hunt near Bristol and to take timber to key his ship, see RLC, i, 219b.
RLP, 147 (fine of 60 marks from Maurice fitz Gerald for the lands of his father referring to the castles of 'Crumeth', perhaps Croom, co. Limerick, and Dungarvan in Cork, in Uí Glassín ('Oglassin', a former sub-kingdom in Uí Meic Caille, broadly the deanery of Imokilly, in the diocese of Cloyne), 147b (castle of 'Askelon', now Carrigogunell in Kilkeedy, co. Limerick, restored to Richard de Burgh), 148 (the half cantred of Uí Caissíne co. Clare ('Occasin') to Reginald Finegal), 148 (exchange of land for Hugh de Bernevall; castle of 'Aslon' (?Athlone, co. Roscommon) confirmed to Geoffrey de Costentin; Roger Pipard to release the castles of Carlingford (co. Louth), Dundrum ('Rath') (co. Down) and Antrim (co. Antrim) and his bailiwicks of Ulster (‘Hulto') and Airgíalla ('Uriell') as commanded by Geoffrey the justiciar), 148b (patronage for Roger Palmer, release of the castle of Clonmacnoise ('Clunnaclois') (co. Offaly) to Geoffrey de Marisco); RLC, i, 219-19b (3 cantreds for Ralph de Orivall', affairs of Hugh de Bernevall, patronage for Robert Cambiator, confirmation of a grant to the bishop of Limerick). For various of the fines accompanying these arrangements, see Rot.Ob., 555-7. For various of the place-names, where I am once again indebted to Marie Therese Flanagan, see (Uí Glassín) Edmund Hogan, Onomasticon Goedelicum (Dublin 1910), 672; Paul MacCotter, Early Medieval Ireland: Territorial, Political and Economic Divisions (Dublin 2008), 160-1; (Uí Caissíne) D.F. Gleeson, History of the diocese of Killaloe (Dublin 1962), 192-3; MacCotter, Early Medieval, 192-3; (Dungarvan) A. Candon, ‘The Cork Suburb of Dungarvan’, Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, xc (1985), 91-103.
RLP, 148, 'in articulis fidei non errauerint'. For Raymond of Toulouse, La Chanson de la Croisade Albigeoise, ed. E. Martin-Chabot, 3 vols. (Paris, 1931-61), ii, 40-1; Guillaume de Puylaurens, Chronique 1145-1275, ed. J. Duvernoy, revized ed. (Paris, 1996), 96-9.
RLC, i, 220. Saint-Florent-le-Vieil (Maine-et-Loire, arr. Cholet).
RLC, i, 220.
RLP, 147b, 148b-9.
RLP, 148, and for Thomas, the brother of a knight in the service of William Marshal, see D. Crouch, William Marshal: Court, Career and Chivalry, 1147-1219 (London, 1990), 109-10, 199.
For orders to the Exchequer, RLC, i, 219-20b, esp. RLC, i, 220b for orders to acquit the reeves of Wilton from 106s. spent on 366 ells of cloth for the King's Christmas festivities.
RLC, i, 219b, instructions to Henry Esturmy to entertain huntsmen and hounds.
RLC, i, 220, and for a similar instance involving the Jews of Niort, 2 July, see Rot.Ob., 554.
RLC, i, 219b.
N. Vincent, 'Who's Who in Magna Carta Clause 50', Le Médiéviste et la monographie familiale: sources, méthodes et problématiques, ed. M. Aurell (Turnhout, 2004), 251-2.
See above fn.1. The release of William of Canford from the custody of the constable of Gloucester, commanded on 8 July, may represent another such attempt to reddress grievances against Girard and his clan: RLP, 148b.
RC, 212b-13; RLC, i, 220, in return for a fine of 100 marks and two palfreys, Rot.Ob., 558.
RC, 211b, surviving as an original, now Ipswich, Suffolk Record Office EE6/1144, now sadly mutilated, but recorded in a photograph before fading, by E.R. Cooper, 'The Dunwich Charter of King John, of 1215', Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology and Natural History, xxiii (1939), 230-5.
RLP, 143b, and see King John’s Diary and Itinerary 21-27 June.
For what seems to have been another reward to a royalist, rather than an attempt to appease a rebel, see the restoration to the Norman, John de Harcourt, of the Wiltshire manor of Sherston, RLC, i, 219, and cf. 'The Veredictum of Chippenham Hundred, 1281', ed. R.E. Latham, Collectanea, ed. N.J. Williams and T.F.T. Plucknett, Wiltshire Archaeological Society Record Series xii (1956), 88 no.71; Book of Fees, i, 586. In the same vein, William de Pavilly was promised the house of a moneyer at Winchester first granted to him in early June: RLC, i, 214, 219b, apparently still not effected by mid August, RLC, i, 225. See also the favours or rewards for Brian de Lisle (RLC, i, 219), Robert de Beauchamp (RLC, i, 220), Ralph de Haye (RLC, i, 220), Hugh de Neville (RLC, i, 219, 220) and John fitz Hugh (RLC, i, 220).
RC, 212b; RLC, i, 220b.
For Peter, see The Letters and Charters of the Legate Guala Bicchieri, Papal Legate in England, 1216-1218, ed. N. Vincent (Woodbridge, 1996), no.84, and and more recently M. Vendittelli, “In partibus Anglie”. Cittadini romani alla corte inglese nel Duecento: il caso di Pietro Saraceno (Rome, 2001) (cf. King John’s Diary and Itinerary 4-10 January).
For the papal bull of 7 July, apparently first published in England in mid August, finally enforced on 5 September 1215 (The Letters of Pope Innocent III (1198-1216) concerning England and Wales: a calendar with an appendix of texts, ed. C. R. Cheney and M. G. Cheney (Oxford, 1967), 169-70 no.1016; Selected Letters of Pope Innocent III concerning England (1198-1216), ed. C.R. Cheney and W. H. Semple (London, 1953), 207-9 no.80), see Memoriale fratris Walteri de Coventria, ed. W. Stubbs, 2 vols. (London, 1872-73), ii, 223; F. M. Powicke, ‘The Bull “Miramur Plurimum” and a Letter to Archbishop Stephen Langton, 5 September 1215’, EHR, xliv (1929), 90–93, and thereafter in a critical edition by N. Vincent, English Episcopal Acta IX: Winchester 1205–1238 (Oxford, 1994), 82–6 no.100. A garbled version found its way in due course into the chronicle of Roger of Wendover, whence Flores Historiarum, ed. H.O. Coxe (4 vols., London, 1842), iii, 336; Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, ed. H.R. Luard (7 vols., Rolls series, 1872–83), ii, 627, whence Conventiones, Litterae etc., or Rymer’s Foedera, 1066-1383, ed. A. Clarke et al., vol. 1, part i (London, 1816), 138..
Printed Foedera, 134 (with misleading reference as if from a copy enrolled on the dorse of the Close Roll 17 John (m.21d, whence, in theory, RLC, i, 269). In reality preserved only in the chronicle of Roger of Wendover, perhaps from information supplied by William d'Aubigny of Belvoir: Wendover, Flores, ed. Coxe, iii, 321-2, whence Paris, Chronica Majora, ed. Luard, ii, 614-15.
H.F. Doherty, Feature of the Month (forthcoming).
TNA E 368/124 (LTR Memoranda Roll 26 Edward III) m.28, also in TNA E 159/128 (KR Exchequer Memoranda Roll 26 Edward III) unnumbered membrane of the Michaelmas communia recorda section: 'Iohannes Dei gratia rex Angl(orum) dominus Hibern(ie) dux Normann(orum) Aquit(anorum) et comes Andeg(auorum) archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, prioribus, baronibus, iustic(iis), vicecomitibus, prepositis et omnibus balliuis et fidelibus suis salutem. Sciatis nos dedisse, concessisse et hac carta nostra confirmasse dilecto et fideli nostro Ricardo de Landa et her(edibus) suis quos habebit de uxore sua sibi desponsata pro homagio et seruicio suo centum et tres solidat(as) et quatuor denarat(as) terre cum pertin(entiis) in insula de Skapeye que fuit Lamkini quondam magistri Galfridi filii nostri. Concessimus etiam eis et hac carta nostra confirmauimus unam carucatam terre cum omnibus pertin(entiis) suis in Kyngeston' extra Portesm' que fuit Fabiani de Ticches' habend' et tenend' de nobis et her(edibus) nostris sibi et her(edibus) suis quos habebit de uxore sua sibi deponsata bene et in pace, libere et quiete, integre et plenar(ie), pacifice et honorifice cum omnibus libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus ad predictas terr(as) pertinentibus in bosco et plano, in viis et semitis, in pratis et pascuis, in aquis et molendinis, in stagnis et viuariis, in moris et mariscis et in omnibus aliis locis et rebus, reddendo inde nobis et her(edibus) nostris ipse et her(edes) sui quos habebit de uxore sua sibi desponsata singulis annis unum speruar(ium) sorum ad festum sancti Michaelis pro omni seruicio et exactione. Quare volumus et firmiter precipimus quod predictus Ricardus et heredes sui quos habebit de uxore sua sibi desponsata habeant et teneant predictas centum et tres solidat(as) et quatuor denarat(as) terre cum pertin(entiis) in insula de Skapeya que fuit Lambekini quondam magistri Galfridi filii nostri, et unam carucat(am) terre cum pertin(entiis) in Kyngeston' extra Portesmuth' que fuit Fabiani de Ticches' bene et in pace, libere et quiete cum omnibus pertin(entiis) et libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus ad easdem terras pertinentibus per prefatum seruicium sicut predictum est. Testibus domino H(enrico) Dublin' archiepiscopo, Willelmo de Harecurt, Henr(ico) filio comitis Hereford', Galfrido Luterell', Theodoro Theuton' et Willelmo de Neuill'. Dat' per manus magistri Ricardi de Marisc(o) cancellar(ii) nostri apud Clarendon', undecimo die Iul(ii) anno regni nostri septimodecimo'.
For what little is known, see GEC, Complete Peerage, vi, 459 note B, citing Nicholas Trivet for Henry's death on the Fifth Crusade, but here apparently by mistake and confusing him with his father. The Llanthony chronicle (Dugdale, Monasticon, vi, 135) records merely that Henry the younger 'died young' ('moriebatur iuuenis').
RC, 210-10b, and see King John’s Diary and Itinerary 14-20 June.
In the present week, for example, and besides the exceptional appearance of half a dozen leading members of the Anglo-Irish elite, royal charters were witnessed by William earl of Salisbury, William de Cantiloupe, Philip d'Aubigny, William de Harcourt, Geoffrey de Neville, Brian de Lisle, Hugh de Neville, Thomas of Sandford, Henry fitz Count, William de Neville, and the alien constables Terry the Teuton, Hugh de Boves and Fawkes de Breauté.